Classes and Class Struggle in Kenya

Class can be said to be the differences of people position in the system of social production. A group of people within a society who are in a particular position belongs to the same class e.g. producers in a capitalist country are the working class while those who control and direct the process of production are the capitalist class. The division of society into classes means that one class is exploiting the labour of another and therefore expropriating the social surplus created by the productive class. The relations between the exploiting and exploited classes are antagonistic because workers (producers) want their wages to be increased while the capitalists (owners of means of production) want to reduce wages so that they can increase their profits. This is why the capitalist system is full of irreconcilable contradictions that can only be resolved by revolution. The dominant class that appropriates social wealth in terms of profit also controls ideas of the society and believes those ideas are in the interests of the society and humanity in general. It is no wonder that the ruling ideas, as Marx said, are those of the ruling class.

The emergence of class division is related to the advancement of productive forces and consequently the emergence of private property. The ruling class tends to show that classes are eternal but this has been proven to be wishful thinking by the principles of social science as we will see. Social science helps us to understand that classes emerged when society reached a certain stage of development. This fact is proven to be true by recent scientific findings of people whose development stage lagged behind the rest e.g. Iroquois Native Americans who lived in a classless society before the invasion of their land by foreigners in the 14th century. In Africa, San people of Bostwana were living in a primitive communal society (hunters and gatherers) with no classes some few decades ago. The advancement of productive forces (labour and instruments of labour) over thousands of years led to emergence of one mode of production after the other, the latter being higher than the one preceding it. In the European society which is widely documented, we find that the four modes of production have evolved i.e. primitive communalism, slavery, feudal and now capitalism. Each mode of production, apart from primitive communalism, had classes e.g. slaves and slave owners under slavery, lords and serfs under feudalism and capitalists and workers under capitalism. This therefore means the appropriation of social wealth by the minority was not only in the capitalist system but also in other modes of production that preceded capitalism.

There are a number of people especially in Africa who dismiss the idea of development of classes as mentioned in the above paragraph. They claim the idea is European and lack any relevance to Africa; some raise the issue genuinely while others happen to be agents of the status quo who love to poison any idea that threatens the status quo. This situation is aggravated by the fact that African history is not much documented and most of what was documented was destroyed by foreigners who conquered the African territories. For example when Portuguese conquered Mombasa, they destroyed the city together with the artifacts. In Kenya it is sometimes a challenge to get history from the 14th, 15th and 16th centuries that shows how Kenyan nationalities used to live before the coming of foreigners. But one thing that is not in dispute is that the entrance of foreigners in the country upset the production processes and the social set up. Their forces of production were also affected, thus forcing most of the nationalities to adopt capitalism (capitalist relations imposed by colonialism through forcing peasants out of land, taxation, introduction of the kipande system etc.) When we apply scientific analysis method in analysing the Kenyan situation, we would not fail to understand that the same principles that were applied by the social scientists of past centuries from Europe and wherever else can also be used in the Kenyan situation. Science can be applied by common people in that it is a process of understanding and transforming material reality to correspond with objective reality. It requires proof and evidence that something exist i.e. It is an evidence-based process. It is totally different from mysticism that invokes imaginary things without providing actual evidence. Mysticism is loved by the ruling class as it makes masses ignorant of dynamism of nature and society. Science, as Neil deGrasse Tyson (an American astrophysicist) said, allows one to confront and identify problems, to recognize problems and figure out how to solve them, rather than run away from them. Failure to apply scientific principles, as Ardea Skybreak (an ecology and evolutionary biology scientist) said, will make one to be vulnerable to manipulation and not being able to tell what’s right from what’s wrong, what’s true from what’s false.1 Another thing  that needs to be understood about science is that it is universal, meaning that there cannot be a science for Europe, Africa, Asia or America. One cannot say that they will study chemistry of Africa and not of America because the principles of chemistry are the same. Likewise one cannot say there is social science for Europe and that for Africa, science is science. Therefore scientific analysis that have shown that classes are found in a society where there is private appropriation of social production, and in order to eliminate them one has to get rid of private property, can also be applied in Kenya. This again does not mean copy-pasting rather applying scientific principles according to concrete condition.

Classes in Kenya 

Kenya can be termed as a neo-colonial country, meaning that it is subservient to the imperialist countries. All the neo-colonial countries adhere to capitalist mode of production and also give a leeway to imperialists to steal the resources. This is one of the reasons that most of the neo-colonial countries are underdeveloped and unable to meet the needs of their people. The foreign capital that the imperialists bring to Kenya, as Nkrumah said is used for exploitation rather than for development2 . When the so-called investments under neocolonialism increase, they [investments] widen the gap between the rich imperialists and the poor third world counties such as Kenya. Nkrumah, in few words, termed neo-colonialism as a representation of imperialism in its final and perhaps its most dangerous stage.

The neo-colonial countries have different types of classes and Kenya is not exceptional. Every class has its own attitude towards change in the society. This is contrary to what the ruling class preaches that all people share the same outlook or attitude. Class analysis is therefore very important for those who want to bring fundamental changes in Kenya; the changes that will help the majority to enjoy basic and other needs that make humans live a life of dignity.

Comprador Bourgeois 

This is a class that is most dangerous in that it helps in promoting the imperialist agenda by siphoning national wealth and expropriating it to the former colonial masters. This class consists of the most senior people working and seating in the boards of multi-national companies in Kenya. The class also consists of the ruling political elite (leadership of Jubilee, CORD etc.) that promotes the same. Since independence the political class have been comprador. The said class rarely questions the directive of the imperialists. For example during the 2007/8 general elections violence, the two main contenders (Kibaki and Raila) were directed by the imperialists to seat together and consequently form a coalition government. This was due to the fact that violence was affecting their (imperialists) investments and not that they were concerned about Kenyans killing one another. The class has allowed imperialist countries such as US and Britain to put their military bases in the country and who sometimes harass ordinary Kenyans with impunity. When the needs of the people collide with those of the imperialists, the comprador sides with those of imperialists. The comprador only supports the needs of the people when there is too much pressure or when an issue is so much exposed that ignoring it would expose the class for what it is. The political class cunningly pretends to be giving preference to the interests of the people while in actual fact prioritising those of imperialists. For example according to the media, during a Small and Medium-sized Enterprises (SMEs) Conference held at Strathmore University on 15th October 2018, President Uhuru Kenyatta trashed his written speech, saying the government has not improved conditions for small and medium enterprises. He lamented that the imported fish was strangling local fishermen and urged officials to find creative ways around the legal provisions, such as citing health concerns. This was after small scale traders, especially from the fisheries sector, complained of lack of protection from international players such as China who were exporting cheaper fishes thus killing local fish industries. The pressure from the traders forced the government to place a ban on Chinese fish. In retaliation China, which is now an imperialist country, acted the same way as other imperialists by threatening to impose trade sanctions against Kenya. Kenya being a comprador state chickened out and then tactfully lifted the fish ban ostensibly to allow for what it termed as consultations between Kenya and China. 

The comprador class defends the status quo and cannot in any way support the people in bettering their living standards. It controls the state machineries which it uses to crush any resistance that may threaten its existence. It is therefore the target of revolution

National Bourgeois 

National bourgeois are Kenyan people who have a substantial amount of wealth which they have invested and use to employ people. Members of this class include entities like Chris Kirubi, Manu Chandaria, S.K. Macharia, Naushad Merali, Moi family, Kenyatta family etc. These are people who  are happy with the way things are since they are able to squeeze surplus labour from their workers without any hindrance. They have close ties with the system and always expend huge financial might to support the competing presidential candidates during the general elections so that their investments can be protected. They also align themselves to the system so they can get business contracts and licenses from the government. Many have immensely increased their wealth courtesy of their fanatic support to the neo-colonial government. In the 1990s for example, SK Macharia was one of the few Gikuyu elite who were supporting the KANU government under the banner “The Central Province Development Support Group.” In appreciation, the Moi regime readily issued him with a broadcasting license for his company Royal Media. The regime believed that being a staunch KANU supporter, he would use his radio station to support the government. This was not to be as he went the way of the quintessential capitalist. He was more focused on returns on his investment and thus opted to run his company professionally, giving both opposition and government enough airtime. This was meant to increase wider listenership and ultimately profits. The government was not pleased by his move and therefore closed Royal Media down for a couple of years, only to reopen after Macharia pleaded with President Moi. In the 2002 general elections, S.K. Macharia shifted his allegiance and used his station to vigorously campaign for the opposition (National Rainbow Coalition) and this contributed to the coalition’s victory. Upon formation of the NARC government the station grew exponentially, getting government advertising contracts as well as being granted with several radio frequency licenses. As a result, Royal Media is the biggest electronic media house in Kenya today. This clearly shows that the national bourgeois class is usually propped up by the neocolonial regime.

The national bourgeois class is against foreign investors as it sees them as competitors. Many times the class is therefore at the forefront preaching in support of protection of local companies (or nationalism) just to advance its selfish agenda. What matters to the members of this class is how they can increase profits. They do not really care about the suffering of the ordinary people whom they deem as a lazy lot condemned to their fate by their own bad choices. They ignorantly claim that the wealth they have amassed is as a result of their hardwork and not from the exploitation of the working class. They use the profits extracted from workers to fund charitable activities in a guise to hide their exploitative nature. They do these, as Susan Rosenthal said, to cleverly pose as social saints, shape society in their image and create confusion about the nature of capitalism.

The class also uses its financial muscles to influence peoples’ thinking through their own media. Big media companies (Nation Group, Standard Group, Royal Media, Mediamax and Radio Africa) are owned by this class. The said media houses distort the truth and only tell the truth when it suit the capitalists. This class is hostile to any change that would bring fundamental changes, and always readily joins hands with the comprador class to fight the revolutionaries whenever the capitalist system is in danger. This therefore means that it is a target of revolution.

Peasants 

They are mostly found in rural areas and mostly engage in agriculture. They are in two categories; the rich and the poor.

Rich Peasants 

This category owns huge tracts of land that they use for subsistence as well as in commodity production (commercial).They employ temporary labourers whom they pay either daily, weekly or monthly. Rich peasants are the minority. Since they are driven by the urge to make a profit they exploit the labourers, majority whom are poor peasants who supplement their needs by selling their labour power. When it comes to the issue of change in the society, the rich peasants waver as they are usually afraid of fundamental changes that would cost them their status. Ironically, they are at the same time usually angry with the system for not subsidizing farm inputs such as fertilisers, seeds etc. This class is quite unpredictable, only rising up in protest when things are not working in their favour. As a result of this flaw, this class cannot be fully relied upon in bringing fundamental changes. The revolutionaries need to discern when the said class can be an ally and when it can be an impediment to the revolution.

Poor Peasants 

Poor peasants are the majority. They have small parcels of land that they use for subsistence farming. Some also engage in zero grazing and sell their meagre products in markets or dairies. They are, however, in most times forced to supplement their subsistence needs by selling their labour power to rich peasants or other owners of means of production. They have groups such as merrygo-rounds through which they support themselves economically. They possess togetherness and assist one another in times of misfortune. They are religious and conservative. Some are organised into cooperative societies that market their produce to various parastatals bodies such as Kenya Tea Development Authority (KTDA), National Cereals and Produce Board (NCPB), Kenya Planters Cooperative Union (KPCU), Mumias Sugar etc. The parastatal entities normally buy the peasants’ farm produce very cheaply, making it impossible for the peasants to solely rely on the said produce for livelihood. Some peasants have formed their own groups to fight against exploitation by the parastatal bodies. For example, tea farmers have Kenya Union of Small Scale Tea Owners (KUSSTO). KUSSTO has been spearheading advocacy for the rights of tea farmers for more than 10 years. Not surprisingly, this has often put the leadership of this organisation on a collision course with the authorities. More often than not this has led to their victimization and harrassment. The leaders are arrested and often suspended from delivering their tea produce to their respective tea factories. This harassment and intimidation is usually orchestrated and engineered by KTDA.In some instances the cooperative directors, who are normally elected by farmers to watch out for their interests, get financial favours from KTDA and thus remain silent as farmers get milked dry of their rightful dues. In many instances the peasants get fed up and rise in protest against this exploitation. In Kisii County for example, tea farmers at the Itumbe tea factory, Sameta sub-county, held a protest on 17th April 2018 citing frustrations and poor management of the facilities by the top brass. Majority of members of cooperative societies are elderly people who in most cases tend to stick to old ways of doing things as opposed to young people who are normally more dynamic and aggressive. This challenge hinders them from agitating for their rights more robustly. 

When it comes to change, poor peasants remain dormant and conservative even if they are being exploited. This makes it easy for them to be manipulated by the ruling class. The revolutionaries have to realise this so that they can know how to awaken them into fully joining the revolution. In early 20th century Lenin, in one of his speeches, said that peasants “cannot immediately accept change because they cling firmly to what they are accustomed they are cautious about innovations subjects what they are offered to a factual practical test and does not decide to change their way of life until they are convinced that change is necessary”. Therefore this is one thing that we should understand when dealing with the peasants so that they can be won over and partner with the workers in fighting for genuine change.

Mao Zedong did a scientific analysis of Chinese society and understood the weakness and strength of poor peasants. It is from this understanding that he was able to guide the Chinese masses,  majority of whom were peasants, to victory in 1949. Poor peasants can be profoundly revolutionary when guided well and this means they are the key ally of the workers as well as revolutionaries.

Pastoralists 

Pastoralism is largely associated with the culture traditions of some marginalized nationalities in Kenya. It is also associated with class because most of pastoralists practice pastoralism as a way of producing their livelihood. Pastoralist culture and livelihood is shaped by the livestock that they rear for meat, blood and milk. They are mostly found in remote areas, and particularly in the Northern part of Kenya where there is lack of infrastructure and basic services. They occupy more than 60% of total land in Kenya, although the larger part of this area is arid and semi-arid. The Maasai, Turkana, Pokot, Samburu and Rendille etc., are all pastoralists. Many pastoralist groups are very conservative as they have, for many years, rigidly stuck within traditional cultural practices and animal husbandry even when the practices have been overtaken by time and contextual changes. In recent times a small percentage have started to diversify by cultivating various crops on small parcels of land. The money economy has forced some to exchange their animals for cash, thus deepening their incorporation within the market economy. In their urge to maximize their wealth some pastoralist groups engage in cattle rustling using sophisticated firearms, thus exacerbating insecurity in pastoral regions. This urge has caused them to go against cultural practices which forbade the killing of women and children during such the raids.

Most of the leaders from the region are, in most cases, anointed by ethnic spiritual leaders as the traditional norms dictate. This is one of the reasons the leaders are highly regarded by their respective communities and in most cases use this loyalty to manipulate their subjects into fighting neighbouring communities. The ruling class, knowing too well how influential these leaders are, normally wins them over and uses them to make the pastoralists ignorant of their predicament. The pastoralist class though, being one of the groups marginalized by the system, remain inactive and their anger to their predicament is, most times, triggered by their leaders cum politicians. Therefore this class happens to be a very unpredictable one to organize with for the actual revolution.

Semi Proletariat (Traders, Petty Traders, Boda Boda Riders) 

The Kenyan economy has, for a number of years, witnessed minimal growth and therefore is unable to absorb the thousands of youth who complete school every year. It is due to this that most people have opted to engage in small businesses in order to earn their livelihoods. The traders are exploited by the landlords, with their meager earnings mostly going to rent leaving them with almost nothing for their upkeep. Both National and county governments do not spare them, taxing them exorbitantly and also harassing them by detaining their imported wares. This has, in some instances, forced some to take to the streets in protest. In July 2018 for example, hundreds of traders poured into the streets of Nairobi in protest against harassment and intimidation by government agencies. They also complained of outrageous duty tax imposed by the Kenya Revenue Authority (KRA), exorbitant license fees among other issues.

The problem is that the said protests are mostly spontaneous and only aimed at short term goals. Since most of small scale traders live from hand to mouth, they are unable to prolong the protest for the actualisation of their demands. They also lack a strong organisation to spearhead and direct their struggle. This class can be an ally of the revolutionaries only when it is conscientised that their predicament is as a result of the capitalist system. A section of the class also aspires to be part of the bourgeoisis class.

The Proletariat or Working Class 

The working class have potential of bringing fundamental change and are the engine to the revolution. This statement is not rhetoric, rather it is based on the fact that workers live on their labour power to survive since they do not have means of production (industries, equipment, materials, etc.) to produce what they need. They hold a powerful position in the dynamics of the capitalist system. Without them capitalism cannot function i.e. capitalists cannot survive without workers but workers can survive very well without capitalists. The workers are not a homogeneous there are skilled and unskilled. The unskilled are the most exploited and in most cases are forced to wake up early and walk to their places of work to save busfare. They also get home late, thus getting little time to bond with their children.

The working class in Kenya is not powerful and this could be attributed to the ineptitude of the Central Organisation of Trade Union (COTU) which is the umbrella body of all the private trade unions in Kenya. Since its establishment, COTU has always been on the side of the ruling class, though always disguising itself as a workers’ advocate through issuing “progressive” rhetorical statements in public forums and in press conferences. Around Easter time in 1982, COTU failed to give leadership to workers who wanted to go on strike in solidarity with the workers of Bank of Baroda who had been dismissed. During the Structural Adjustment Programmes (SAPs) that were spearheaded by IMF, and led to the loss of many jobs, COTU didn’t fight the said policies. In most cases the trade union officials fight for their stomachs, ignoring the workers they represent. To them workers are only important during the organisation’s elections. They buy their votes during such elections and upon being elected embark on using their offices to solicit for bribes from the employers. For example, two officials of the Kenya County Government Workers Union (KCGWU) (Benson Olianga, the Nairobi City branch secretary, and John Muriuki, assistant treasurer) were arrested by anti-corruption detectives after they were caught soliciting a bribe from Governor Mike Sonko’s aide in October 2017. The Kenyan trade unions lack workingclass ideology that can assist them in combining advocacy for political and economic rights in a way similar to what Makhan Singh did in the 1940s and 50s, where he linked the workers’ struggles with the political struggle for national liberation.

Though beset by the above challenges, Kenyan workers continue to resist oppression through protesting. On 31st October 2018 for example, workers from China Wuyi Precast Company situated in Athi River, Kajiado County, went on strike over poor pay by the Chinese Company. When Kenyan workers today are dismissed by their employers, they unite in demanding for their dues. A case in point is when more than 600 former workers of the East African Portland Cement Company (EAPCC) protested on 14th October 2018 over their unpaid dues amounting to 1.5 billion shillings. The company had failed to pay them despite the court ruling.

These examples clearly show that the workers have great potential of bringing change in the country when led by a clear-sighted and disciplined organisation. The said organization helps in guiding workers to navigate through traps laid by the capitalists (employers) and leads them in waging the class war. The employers are very powerful as they are connected to the state and that why they use the state machinery, such as the police, to suppress protesting workers.

Workers are key ally of revolutionary change.

Petty Bourgeois 

Petty bourgeois (middle class) in Kenya can be divided into three sections;

The Lower Petty Bourgeosis 

They can be called the left wing of petty bourgeoisie as they are closer to workers and they are also victims of exploitation. This section consists of teachers, nurses etc. and is the most active of the three since it has strong organisations i.e. Kenya Union of Post Primary Education Teachers (KUPPET), Kenya National Union of Teachers (KNUT) and Kenya National Union of Nurses (KNUN). Their problem is that they rarely protest about issues affecting the country, the education or health sectors. Most of the time they protest due to salaries and allowance issues, and an example is the strike which the KNUT and KUPPET called in January 2015 (lasted three weeks) and September 2015 (lasted five weeks).

They are always indecisive as they keep on wavering and this is something that any revolutionary should understand. They can be at one time on the side of the workers or revolutionaries during hard times but on the side of the ruling class when their things are running well.

The Middle Petty Bourgeois 

The middle petty bourgeois consists of doctors, engineers, professors and highly skilled people. They are bribed by the capitalists through being granted wages and privileges well beyond other workers, but do not have significant power. They live relatively well, which means that they have a vested interest in maintaining the status quo. They play very big role in capitalist economy due to their expertise in different fields. They are the main drivers in the neo-colonial Kenya as they are used to draft government policies. They rarely protest as conditions allow them to live comfortably, although in recent times the doctors have been up in arms protesting against the national government. However, their protests are opportunistic and not geared to helping the oppressed as they would like portray. For example in late 2016 and early 2017 doctors went on strike for a hundred days demanding the implementation of a Collective Bargaining Agreement (CBA) signed in 2013 which had awarded them 300 per cent pay hike. They had vowed to go on with the strike until their pay demands were met.

But when the public started wondering why they were only focusing on their salaries they cunningly changed the tune and begun to address the rampant drug and equipment shortages, saying they were doing so for the sake of patients. Human rights activists working in NGO industry can be categorized in this class as their attitude towards change is similar. They abhor the abuses perpetrated by the regime and they are good at criticising the state and in articulating the problems and what need to be done. In addition, some go to an extent of saying that what is needed is revolution. On the other hand they are able to enjoy some privileges such as medical cover, a good salary and good housing under the current state of capitalism. And when it comes to the actual action they tend to shy away since they are not willing to forego the said privileges, since a revolution is not a joke; or as Mao said it is not “a dinner party, or writing an essay, or painting a picture, or doing embroidery”, and it demands dedication and sacrifice that the humans rights activists are not prepared to give. There are a few people of this class who decide to forego the said privileges, rocking the boat and committing what Amilcar Cabral called class suicide by siding with the people in fighting for the real change. Most of the world revolutions in the world were led by such people e.g. Lenin in Russia, Cabral in Guinea Bissau and, Fidel Castro in Cuba etc. The revolutionaries can partner with the class when the state has turned fascist and curtailing democratic space i.e. in fighting for bourgeois democracy. Not many people of this class are usually ready to go beyond a bourgeois democracy i.e. to the actual revolution.

The Upper Petty Bourgeois 

The upper petty bourgeois are the senior people of big local as well as national government. Their status helps them live comfortably since they get many benefits in terms of allowances. They always inspire to be national bourgeois and don’t see any problem with the capitalist system. They are indifferent towards the predicaments of the lower classes, and in most cases they view them with contempt. It would take a major economic crisis for this class to rise up against the government and join the revolutionaries.

Lumpen-proletariat 

Lumpenproletariats mostly live in slums and are the most exploited and dehumanised by the system. The majority have limited levels of education and are unskilled. They include muggers, prostitutes, petty thieves and those who have stayed long without getting employed. This class mostly depend on the handouts of bourgeoisie on a day-today basis and will do anything in order to survive. This is why it is used by politicians to do all manner of dirty work including violently harassing and intimidating rivals. It is also used by NGOs to fulfil their project goals e.g. attending workshops. On the other hand some members of this class can become agents for change if they are made conscious about their predicament by people who have a clear and pro people ideology. The class shares the same characteristics as the petty bourgeois, in terms of political wavering, and cannot be the main force for change in Kenya.

Who are Friends and Enemies of Change in Kenya? 

Science helps us not to take class attitudes as cast in stone. A few people belonging to a particular class may have a different attitude. In science there are usually abnormalities where classes don’t always follow the rules. For example, majority of mammals give birth but there are some like the platypus that lay eggs. This should not negate the fact that mammals are associated with giving birth as opposed to laying eggs. The same applies to social sciences. The majority of people belonging to a particular class have a similar attitude to life but this is not true of the entire class. Science also helps us not to be rigid but open to all dimensions especially when tackling a complex matter. One thing that should be understood, as Ardea Skybreak said, is that there is no such thing as fixed and unchanging human nature or unchangeable human nature. The conception or outlook, though shaped by material reality, is also largely influenced by the ruling class whose ideas are the dominant ones or are dominant. But once the exploited, probably through a vanguard, are guided and grounded enough they begin to understand things better, changing their views and misconceptions and ultimately start organising on how they can bring change for the betterment of humanity.

The above class stratification, as well analysis shows us clearly that those who are the most exploited by the system are bound to yearn for change, while those who benefit from it will defend the status quo. Since no genuine change can come about without involving the people it is therefore important to reach them. The history of our country shows us that over the years people have failed to achieve what they want due to aligning themselves with the wrong people. For instance in the 1950s, the petty bourgeoisie within KAU had disguised themselves as advocates for the land and freedom struggle that was being waged by the Mau Mau. However behind the scenes they were busy courting and cavorting with colonialists and demonising the movement. The masses, who were not well advanced in political discernment, embraced them based on their dishonest politicking only to be disappointed after Kenya attained the ‘flag independence’. Therefore, it is usually important to do a class analysis so that people can know the right people to align with, and not be deceived by words and superficial deeds.

In Kenya peasants, workers and the lower petty bourgeois remain the leading force for change, and what they need most is a progressive movement offering them leadership and ideology. With those two they can accomplish what might be seen as impossibilities and bring change that is beneficial to the majority.

The middle petty bourgeois waver between the oppressor and the oppressed, they only join the side of the oppressed when they are in problems. Therefore the people should be wary of them due to their opportunism.

National, international and comprador bourgeoisie are those we should aim to defeat since they own the means of production and they use it to exploit workers and strongly defend the status quo. They are the most powerful force as they control the state machinery. Revolutionary changes which have occurred in the world have shown that even with the power they possess, these classes are usually defeated by organised masses led by a revolutionary party.

End Notes 

1. Science and Revolution – An Interview with Ardea Skybreak 2015 
2. Nkrumah K, 1965, Neocolonialism: the Last Stage of Imperialism, Thomas Nelson & Sons Ltd., London